By Peter Sayer
The vital topic of this ebook is the ambiguities and tensions academics face as they try and place themselves in ways in which legitimize them as language lecturers, and as English audio system. targeting 3 EFL lecturers and their faculties within the southern Mexican kingdom of Oaxaca, it files how usual practices of language educators are formed by means of their social context, and examines the jobs, identities, and ideologies that academics create for you to navigate and negotiate their particular context. it really is specified in bringing jointly numerous present theoretical and methodological advancements in TESOL and utilized linguistics: the functionality of language ideologies and identities, severe TESOL pedagogy and learn, and ethnographic tools in examine on language studying and teaching. Balancing and mixing descriptive reporting of the lecturers and their contexts with a theoretical dialogue which connects their neighborhood matters and practices to broader concerns in TESOL in foreign contexts, it permits readers to understand the sophisticated complexities that supply upward thrust to the “tensions and ambiguities” in EFL academics’ expert lives.
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Extra info for Ambiguities and Tensions in English Language Teaching: Portraits of EFL Teachers as Legitimate Speakers
Also I see Rocío, Carlos, and Hilario and their students as real people and hoped to write about them so you could see them that way too. I am making the argument in this book that abstract concepts like legitimacy and ambiguity are important to the teachers, and for researchers are worth worrying about, and it works better if I can get you to empathize with them. Many years ago, before I knew much about what ethnography was, I read George Orwell’s The Road to Wigan Pier (1937) and was greatly impressed by his ability to explain the conditions of poverty in northern England by showing the ordinary lives of the people who lived it so that you cared about what happened to them.
HILARIO: Well like with the bosses. I worked in the back of the warehouse, but sometimes the Mexicans [local construction workers] arrived to ask about some… construction stuff. ” So I told them “They just want a shovel” or such-andsuch amount of sheetrock, stuff like that. Well, yeah, I was making some money maybe, to eat and buy some clothes but… it wasn’t really living. I don’t know… I just didn’t see any sense in it. And being an illegal, well, there’s no point… no objective other than to work like a dog just to make money.
Of the three children, both Rocío and her older sister are English teachers. Her younger sister is also ﬁnishing her undergraduate studies in tourism while raising her baby, and may go into teaching in few years as well. The family’s steady government jobs with beneﬁts in education have given them more economic stability than Carlos’ or Hilario’s families. Rocío’s mother’s family is from Juchitán, in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, a hot, low-lying area in eastern Oaxaca that enjoys a fair level of economic prosperity compared with the rest of the state, thanks to several oil reﬁneries, its strategic geographical location (the Panama Canal was originally planned to be cut through the Isthmus), and its proximity to the Paciﬁc Ocean.