By David C. Harvey, Rhys Jones, Neil McInroy, Christine Milligan
Celtic Geographies questions conventional conceptualizations of Celticity that depend upon an homogenous interpretation of what it potential to be a Celt in modern society. a few of the individuals break free from those conventional interpretations to seriously discover a Celticity that's various in personality. The booklet explores a few issues which are significant to old and modern Celticity:* the old geographies of Celtic peoples* devolution and politics in Celtic areas, equivalent to Wales and Scotland* the commodification of Celticity within the tourism practices of Brittany and eire* the position of diaspora within the improvement of Celtic identities, in either North the USA and within the west of Scotland* the connection among Celticity and sorts of modern tradition.
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Additional resources for Celtic Geographies: Old Cultures, New Times (Critical Geographies)
He pointed out that, ‘to encourage peace’ in Wales, the Anglo-Normans ‘imposed law and statutes on them’, and by this means ‘they made the land so productive and abounding in all kinds of resources that you would have reckoned it in no wise inferior to the most fertile part of Britain’ (Potter and Davis 1976: 15). An important dimension of this claimed superiority relates to the Anglo-Normans’ belief that the Welsh and the Irish were not urbanised, that they lived without ‘towns, villages or castles’, as Gerald put it (see above).
Protest across the Celtic regions is generally accepted to have come out of an underlying, motivating belief 41 I A I N R O B E RT S O N in rights to land which constitutes an ideology of popular protest, to the extent that this implies that we may begin to recognise a common ‘Celtic’ form of protest. However, this section has cast doubts over this possibility. In particular, concerns have been raised over the way in which this theory has been utilised in the Highland context. The following section continues to focus on the underlying spirit to protest, not with a view to denying the existence of the belief in rights to land, but, rather, in an attempt to reﬂect better the complexity and conﬂict that becomes apparent from a detailed exploration of events after 1914.
It is important to remember that the Welsh had long had their own customs and law codes – it was these that the Norman kings (and later the English) were supplanting (see Jones 1999a). Such social inequalities were also mapped onto the townscapes and townspeople of other newly expanded Norman towns, like Nottingham and Shrewsbury (see Stephenson 1933). In these cases too, soon after the Conquest the Norman lords had quickly created new towns, or more strictly speaking ‘boroughs’, alongside existing ones.