Download An Introduction to Old Frisian: History, Grammar, Reader, by Rolf H. Bremmer Jr. PDF

By Rolf H. Bremmer Jr.

This is often the 1st textual content publication to supply a entire method of previous Frisian. half One starts with a succinct survey of the background of the Frisians throughout the center a long time, their society and literary tradition. subsequent persist with chapters at the phonology, morphology, note formation and syntax of outdated Frisian. This half is concluded by way of a bankruptcy at the outdated Frisian dialects and one on difficulties concerning the periodization of Frisian and the shut dating among (Old) Frisian and (Old) English. half involves a reader with a consultant collection of twenty-one texts with explanatory notes and a whole word list. A bibliography and a choose index entire the ebook. Written by way of an skilled instructor and researcher within the box, An creation to previous Frisian is a vital source for college kids and researchers of Frisian, previous English and different ‘Old’ Germanic languages and cultures, and for medievalists operating during this region. The moment unrevised 2011 reprint of the unique version comprises numerous corrections.

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Additional info for An Introduction to Old Frisian: History, Grammar, Reader, Glossary

Sample text

The plurals tēth ‘teeth’ and gēs 〈ghees〉 ‘geese’ (cf. , helpath < *helpanþ (without rounding of a), the ordinal tegotha, tegetha ‘tithe (tenth)’ < *tegunþon. Loss of nasal plus compensatory lengthening resulted in the following contract verbs (§54): • hwā ‘to hang’ < *hōhan < *honhan < *hanhan • fā ‘to catch’ < *fuā < *fōhan < *fonhan < *fanhan §32 Chronology Nasalization took place after the rounding of long and short a before nasal, because the product of rounding is also affected. It took place before fronting of long and short Chapter II.

44 Chronology Palatalization took place (cf. Stiles 1995: 195–96): • after fronting (§§33, 39) of both long and short a to 5, because palatalization takes place before and after these fronted vowels: *tsēse, tsῑse ‘cheese’ < *k5ˉsi < *kāsija(< L cāseus), ts(i)etel ‘cauldron, iron pot’ < *k5til < *katila- (< L catillus), *wagna> wein ‘wain, cart’. • before monophthongization of *ai, see Remark 1. • before i-mutation (§45), or at least before the unrounding of i-mutation products to e, because no palatalized products are found before mutated vowels: kening ‘king’, not *tsening < *kuningaz.

Rhammar (1990: 22). Remark 1. Phonologized by loss of post-consonantal w, it seems, would make labio-velar mutation early, but according to the standard view, at the time of Old English palatalization postconsonantal w was retained (cf. Luick 1914–1940: §637 Anm. 4), so also on that basis it must be later than i-mutation. 2. The form siugun ‘seven’ (cf. 9). 3. ] ‘to roll (of a ship on the waves); to saunter, stroll’ might be another instance of labio-velar mutation, cf. ), but then we must take OFris slinge, slinger ‘strap; sling’ as Low German loans, which also ousted the mutated forms in all other branches of Frisian.

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